Originally Posted on the Huffington Post UK, 28 December 2011

In almost every memorial site dedicated to the victims of the Holocaust, one finds sections honoring non-Jews who saved Jews from extermination. They are referred to as 'righteous among the nations' or righteous gentiles. The movie Schiendler's List was one account of such a story. A new book, the Lion's Shadow, recounts the story of another righteous gentile, Abdol-Hossein Sardari, an Iranian Muslim diplomat who saved thousands of Jews from a certain death.

Honouring heroism of non-Jews universalises the memory of the Holocaust and ensures that we do not simply see horrific events of WWII as an episode of evil Germans killing Jews. It helps us locate it within its historical setting and draw lessons for the future; lessons of how a continent can get carried away and lead millions of people to their deaths and how even in the most coercive settings, we human beings can rise up to a higher moral level.

Sadly, I have never seen any such section honouring Turks who risked their lives to save their Armenian friends and neighbors in all of the Armenian memorial sites I have seen. There were, however, sections honouring non-Armenians who have helped the Armenian cause in raising the issue of 1915 massacres. Only a handful of Armenian historians mention them, often in passing. Yet, we do see their traces in almost all biographies written by surviving Armenians.

Whenever I raised this with various Armenian activists and academics, I got two main responses. The most common one was relativization; well, yes, there were very few Turks who helped Armenians, but most of them did so to make money or even adopt the young kids so as to use them as free labor. Thus, their acts or their presence in the complex web of history was placed back into the neat and clear category of the eternal perpetrator Turk.

The second most common one was refusal; as long as Turks refuse to acknowledge what happened in 1915 as genocide, no one should ask Armenians to honour or sing praises of Turks; to do so will be glorifying the Turks and victimizing the Armenians further. Sadly, the same refusal to break down the a-historical category of the 'evil' Turk we see in relativization is also at play in refusal, albeit in a morally coated discourse.

Both of these responses are fundamentally flawed. First of all, the greatest portion of Armenians who survived the massacres and deportations did so with the help of people around them, may they be Turks or Kurds . And yes, while surviving children and woman might have been remarried or as it is with every orphan or poor kid in rural life worked as part of being offered shelter, there were many who simply had no motivation other than the desire to protect innocent people.

Secondly, at the pure moral level, it is a complete moral failure not being able to thank or respect or honour those who chose to do right thing and took serious personal risks. To say that one will do the morally right thing if only when someone else do a morally right thing completely undermines and destroys the morality it demands to start with. An act is moral and worthy on its own, not because another act is required in return.

Thirdly, honouring such Turks does not take away or diminish the depth and scope of hundreds of thousands Armenians who perished during the turbulent collapse of an empire. Far from it; it enables their suffering to be part of a common human history that can be shared and mourned for and remembered by not only Armenians today, but also the entire world, including the Turks. This makes sure that history does not remain the collective memory of a particular group in conflict with another's, but an episode, which we can co-process and own.

Currently the Armenian activists seem more resolved to communicate their hurts and pasts to everyone in the world but the Turkish public. Yet, they don't realize that unless the Turkish public sees their pain and urges the Turkish government to act, no Turkish government can ever address 1915 and no amount of legislations passed at world parliaments will bring us a step closer to absolution and acknowledgement. Their misguided efforts find their mimesis in over zealous Turkish activists, who see demonizaton and judgment of an entire group of people in calls for facing the past and vehemently refuse to accept it.

It is high time to bring the conversation to Anatolia, not to Washington DC or Paris, and find ways to make the past an integral part of the story of this land. And in that process, honoring Turks who saved Armenians would be a major break through. It will depolarise an extremely intense conversation and help us to discover the deep common humanity we all share.

On 27 May 1915, the Union and Progress Party government passed a legislation requiring the deportation of Armenians across Anatolia.

The government's orders were followed by some local authorities and refused by others. Here are the names few of these brave officials;

Celal Bey, Mayor of Konya

Faik Ali Ozansoy, Governor of Kutahya

Mehmet Cemal Bey, Governor of Yozgat

Hasan Mazhar Bey, Mayor of Ankara

Resit Pasa, Mayor of Kastamonu

Huseyin Nesimi Bey, Governor of Lice

Sabit bey, Deputy Governor of Lice

Mustafa Aga Azizoglu, Mayor of Malatya

Tahsin Bey, Mayor of Erzurum

The story of Faik Ali Ozansoy:

When the governor received orders from the government to deport Armenians, he not only refused to do so but also gave orders for the protection and care of Armenians who fled to Kutahya from other towns. This angered local supporters of the UPP, who reported the governor's refusal to Talat Pasha. The governor was immediately called to Istanbul and questioned by Talat, who told him that this order was to be fulfilled everywhere, including Kutahya. In protest to the orders, Ozansoy submitted his resignation but Talat allowed him to return to his post and did not accept his resignation.

When he eventually returned to Kutahya, he found that the local police chief ordered local Armenians to either convert to Islam or get ready for deportation. Fearful for their lives, a large number of Armenians submitted petitions to convert to Islam and be registered as Muslims. The governor was furious with the acts of the police chief and fired him. He gathered the city council and with the backing of various important voices, including the city's Mufti, the governor said to the Armenians; "the reason behind your conversion is clear. Nobody will show the immorality to send you to exile. Here are your petitions, rip them to pieces before the council."
The governor also hosted Armenians fleeing deportations in Balikesir, Afyon, Izmit and Adapazari. In order to prevent a visible large Armenian population in the town centre, he relocated all of the refugees to various towns and villages. The Armenians collected 500 pieces of gold in gratitude to the governor and donated it to the Turkish Crescent. The governor distributed these gold to all of the poor Armenians who sought refuge in Kutahya and set up a soup kitchen and a school for Armenian children.

The story of Celal bey, Mayor of Konya

Celal bey and people of Konya were already providing food and water to groups of Armenians passing near by the city. When the mayor received orders to deport the Armenians of the city, he refused to obey them. He sent Armenians fleeing from other cities to be housed in various villages and towns. However, in October 1915, the government fired him from his post and for many years, he was not allowed to hold any jobs in the state sector. He suffered years of poverty. Eventually, he was posted at the Mayor's office in Adana, following a request from the French government. While in Adana, he joined the Kuvayi Milliye movement and worked along side many people who played a role in Turkey's independence, including Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Along with Celal bey, Sufi orders in Konya also played a major role in protecting and taking care of the vulnerable Armenians. Following Celal Bey's decommissioning, numerous high ranking Sufi sheikhs and followers were sent to exile.

The story of Hasan Mazhar Bey, Mayor of Ankara

Hasan Mazhar Bey vehemently refused obeying orders from the central government. He has been reported to say; "I am a mayor, not a thug. I cannot do this job. Let someone else come, take my seat and do it." His refusal resulted him losing his seat in August 1915 and being fired from the civil service. Eventually, Hasan Mazhar Bey would be a part of the official commission tasked by the new Turkish state to look into the crimes committed against Armenians.

These stories are only short accounts of personal risks taken by Turkish officials at a truly dangerous time to do so. The untold stories include the fates of

* Resit Pasha of Kastamonu who was decommissioned after refusing to deport Armenians;

* Huseyin Nesmi Bey of of Lice, who was killed en route to a meeting in Diyarbakir he was summoned to after refusing to carry deportation orders;

* Mayor Mustafa Azizoglu, who could not stop deportations but saved many Armenians by hiding them in his house. He was murdered by his own son, who was a member of Union and Progress Party.

These and many others whose stories are awaiting to be documented reflect courage, virtue and humanity found in all of us, no matter what the circumstances are.


Tuncay Opcin, "Ermenilere Kol Kanat Gerdiler" Yeni Aktuel, 2007, Issue 142

Taner Akcam, The Young Turks' Crime Against Humanity, Princeton University Press, 2012

Racho Donef, "Righteous Muslims during the Genocide of 1915", November 2010, Sydney


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